The Road to Hell is Paved with Good Intentions

Three Views on the Legacy of Mikhail Gorbachev, the last General Secretary of the Communist Party of Soviet Union: 

A. Excerpt from an Interview with Fidel Castro, 1992:

Link to full source: https://espressostalinist.com/2011/11/26/fidel-castro-on-gorbachev/

“Merlo: Do you consider Gorbachev a traitor?

Fidel: History will pronounce the final judgment on him. I do not want to be Gorbachev’s judge. I can only say that during the time I knew him, he behaved in a friendly manner toward me. He seemed to want to improve socialism, even if the final result was different. He wrote it in his book “Perestroyka” too, making it clear that he was not against socialism, indeed he wanted more socialism. It seems to me, however, that now there is less socialism than ever in the former USSR-and indeed the USSR does not even exist anymore. Someone once said that the road to hell is paved with good intentions.

Merlo: What did you say to each other when you met here in Cuba in 1989? What did you foresee? Did you put him on his guard?

Fidel: It is difficult to recommend anything to the leader of such an important country. Yes, I remember that I did give him one recommendation, an idea, an opinion. I told him that the USSR had to broaden its relations with all the political forces and to that end, I advised him to hold a meeting with the revolutionary, progressive, and democratic forces, and I think he accepted my suggestion. I also advised him to base the USSR’s influence over other countries on the quality of ideas rather than on tradition or, worse, on hegemonic tendencies…. Gorbachev used to talk very frankly with me, he had a talent for communication. At least at the beginning. It was an excellent relationship. I believe he wanted to do good things. I never disputed his intentions; what I can dispute is the results of his action: a tragedy. The present single-pole world is not to anybody’s liking, no one wants it.

Merlo: It is especially a problem for Cuba.

Fidel: Our basic problems are the economic blockade and the disappearance of the socialist camp. Some 85 percent of our trade was with those countries and we had reasonable prices, let us say the right prices. The value of our sugar in fact, balanced the cost of the petroleum we got from the USSR. Our exports reached 80 billion [currency not stated] or just under. That trade has almost disappeared with the disappearance of the socialist countries. We have had to turn to new markets. We have lost imports, credit, and technology, and sought fuel, raw materials, and drugs elsewhere. Our sugar is no longer quoted at that price…. To this must be added the fact that we are under a severe economic blockade from the United States.”

B. Excerpt from ‘The Irresistible Fall of Mikhail Gorbachev’ (1992) by Ernest Mandel:

Link to full source: https://www.marxists.org/archive/mandel/1992/xx/gorbachev.htm

“The attempt at reforming the bureaucratic Soviet regime undertaken by Mikhail Gorbachev was doomed to failure. This confirms the impossibility of an attempt at self-reform by the bureaucracy.

Gorbachev’s failure is in line with that of Tito, Khrushchev, Mao or Dubcek. The Soviet bureaucracy is too vast, its social networks too strong, the web of inertia, routine, obstruction and sabotage on which it rests too dense for it to be decisively weakened by actions from above. Its removal demands the initiative and action of tens of millions of workers, that is, a real popular revolution from below, an anti-bureaucratic political revolution. Gorbachev was incapable of unleashing such a revolution – nor did he wish to. His aim was to preserve the system while profoundly reforming it.

Gorbachev’s course towards a radical reform of the system was not, in the first place, the result of any ideological choice. It was the outcome of unavoidable objective conditions, of the ever deepening crisis of the system in which the USSR was mired since the end of the 1970s.

The main signs of this crisis were:

1. The continuous fall in growth rates, which remained lower than those of the USA for more than a decade;

2. The impossibility in these conditions of maintaining at one and the same time the drive for the modernization of the economy, the arms race with imperialism, a constant, if modest rise in the living standards of the masses and the maintenance and expansion of the privileges of the bureaucracy. At least two if not three of these objectives had to be abandoned.

3. The failure, predicted by Trotsky in the 1920s, of the conversion of extensive into intensive industrialization. This conversion demanded giving priority to problems of quality rather than quantity, exact calculations of costs, transparency of economic mechanisms and the growing sovereignty of the consumers. All of which are incompatible with bureaucratic dictatorship;

4. The beginning of a pronounced social regression, expressed particularly by the existence of 60 million poor and the marked deterioration of the health system (including for several years an absolute fall in life expectancy);

5. The loss of any political legitimacy by the regime, with the appearance of broad sectors of opposition (experts, writers, young people, the oppressed nationalities, and workers acting to some extent independently);

6. A very deep ideological and moral crisis that the bureaucracy could no longer control.

Gorbachev’s defeat is above all the defeat of economic perestroika. Badly conceived from the beginning, changing direction several times, combining increasingly contradictory objectives, perestroika ended up dismantling the old command economy without replacing it with anything coherent.”

C. Excerpt from ‘On Certain Ideological Issues’, Resolution Adopted at the 14th Congress of the CPI(M), 1992:

Link to full source: https://www.cpim.org/documents/1992-14-Cong--ideological-issues.pdf

“i. The reforms initiated by the CPSU under the slogans of perestroika and glasnost and the repercussions of these in the East European countries, reveal the existence of a latent crisis both at the level of the socialist state and that of the Party, its ideological and political foundations. In order to scientifically analyse this crisis and draw correct lessons, more information and deeper study would be required. On the basis of available information and facts, it is, however, possible to draw some conclusions.

ii. The reforms initiated in 1985 by the CPSU assumed a concrete shape at the 27th Congress in 1986. The CPI(M) had welcomed the understanding of the need for reforms in the Soviet Union, their declared revolutionary goal being the strengthening of socialism.

iii. The need for reform arose in order to correct and overcome certain errors and deviations of the past that led to relative stagnation in the socialist economy; the need to enrich the people with socialist consciousness that was neglected for many years; the need to eliminate bureaucratism which led to violations of democratic rights and civil liberties; the need to strengthen socialist democracy and to accelerate the social and economic development towards the 9 fulfilment of the growing needs of the people.

iv. The CPI(M) Central Committee in August 1988 had stated: "As a Party which takes its stand on Marxism-Leninism, we realise that advance of socialism in any country must be accompanied by increased initiative of the masses both in running the economy and running the state. Lenin's statement "every cook must learn to govern" must be a growing reality. A concrete form of these initiatives in the various stages of development embrace larger and larger number of people. Measures which contribute to the conscious participation of the masses are welcome and should be supported. Measures which free citizens from unnecessary restrictions and provide healthy dialogue within the limits of socialist society, strengthen the society. "But it has to be understood and underlined sharply that all such measures will strengthen society if the guiding role of Marxism-Leninism is preserved and the role of the Party as a leading force of society as vanguard of the working class is ensured."

v. The CPI(M) repeatedly expressed its grave concern at the anti-socialist trends that started emerging through glasnost and perestroika. Capitalist prescriptions were being doled out as solutions to socialism's problems by the CPSU under Gorbachev's leadership.

vi. These negative tendencies manifested themselves sharply in the outright negation of the past socialist achievements. In August 1988, the CPI(M) Central Committee had stated that a "correct attitude towards the past assumes great importance in the process of implementation of the reforms to strengthen socialism. The negation of the past achievements, the glorious achievements of socialism since the October Revolution, overcoming the challenge of the civil war, imperialist encirclement and intervention, the building of the socialist economy, the glorious anti-fascist victory, sacrifices of millions of Soviet people during this period, the firm policy of peace and the struggle to avoid a nuclear war, the achievement of nuclear parity with the USA and the great working class constitution, it is on these foundations that the new democratic reforms will have meaning."

vii. What emerged was an outlook which, while criticising the deformities and distortions of the past, deliberately ignored these achievements, thus delinking the reforms from the past proletarian history and curbing the future revolutionary potential of the working class. The Party ranks and people were thus disarmed against the concerted onslaught of anti-socialist forces.

viii. This also permitted the intervention of imperialist forces who always sought to undermine socialism. The common thread of such interventions was seen in the collapse of the East European regimes within a span of a few weeks.

ix. Serious departures were made by the CPSU from the direction of the documents of the 27th Congress. Put together, these amounted to a systematic effort at dismantling socialism and disintegrating the USSR, under the leadership of Gorbachev.

x. In dealing with the international situation, the 27th Congress had highlighted the intensification of the four fundamental contradictions, and asserted that the correlation of class forces was in favour of peace, progress and socialism. However, soon after, in 1987, in the name of "New Thinking", this understanding was abandoned and the theory of modification of contradictions advanced. The CPI(M) had disagreed with this assessment and openly came out against it in 1988. Later the CPSU issued a Draft Platform which the 28th Congress adopted. Advancing the notion of a "humane and democratic" socialism, this thesis counterposed "universal human values" to class values, spreading illusions about the present-day imperialism and ascribing humanism to it. By advocating the "de-ideologisation of state to state relations," the CPSU negated any confrontation with imperialism and sought to create, in cooperation with it, "as safe and civilised world order". The May 1990 CPI(M) C.C. resolution dealt in detail with these and other erroneous concepts. This process culminated in the draft programme circulated for the 29th Congress. Not only was there no mention of imperialism but this went further to state: "A new civilisation which is being shaped in the process of present global development, disagrees with the habitual notions of classical industrial society, its rigid division into opposing classes, polarisation between labour and capital and confrontation of social system." The journey was thus completed. There are, according to the CPSU, no class divisions in society today, no antagonism between labour and capital, and no confrontation between imperialism and socialism. However, the CPSU's activities were decreed illegal by Gorbachev himself before the 29th Congress could take place!   

xi. In the sphere of the economy, reforms were advanced in order to "overcome the lack of correspondence between developing productive forces and relations of production." Intended to switch over the economy from extensive to intensive development, the 27th Congress report summarised the reforms by stating, "Socialist economic acceleration and the consolidation of socialism in practice should be the supreme criteria in the improvement of management and of the entire system of socialist production relations." However instead of socialist economic acceleration systematically, capitalist reforms were being introduced. The Platform adopted by the 28th Congress advocated the creation of a full-fledged market economy undermining the role of central planning. In the name of encouraging private initiative hundreds of co-operatives were allowed which turned out to be the main source of profiteering and black-marketing. Within a span of five years, the parallel economy grew to staggering proportions creating artificial shortage of goods. Despite a bumper harvest, the Soviet Union had to go around the world seeking food aid. The existing production structures were dismantled and virtual anarchy prevailed with widespread speculation, black-marketing and hoarding flourishing. The various plans that were outlined for the transition to a market economy, all resulted, in practice, in setting in motion the restoration of capitalism.

xii. The Party's role was systematically undermined. The Party Programme adopted by the 27th Congress stated that "the Communist Party, while retaining its class essence and ideology as the party of the working class" asserted that "the Party's Leading role in the life of Soviet society inevitably grows" (emphasis in original). The 28th Congress, however, talks of "no room for dictatorship of any class." In practice, the Party's leading role was abandoned. The office of the executive President was created on whose powers the Party had no control. The conversion of the great Bolshevik Party of Lenin into a mere social democratic one was complete in the draft programme prepared for the 29th Congress.

xiii. In the sphere of ideology, there was a systematic erosion of the revolutionary essence of Marxism-Leninism. The 27th Congress Party Programme states: "The most important source of Party's strength and invincibility is the indestructible ideological and organisational cohesion of the Party," and "the CPSU is invariably guided by the time tested Marxist-Leninist principles of proletarian, socialist internationalism" (emphasis in original). The 28th Congress, however, argued for healing the rift with social democracy and ending the "historic split in the socialist movement". The abandonment of the ideological foundations was complete in the draft programme for the 29th Congress which replaces Marxism-Leninism "by taking on board the entire gamut of socialist and democratic ideas produced by this country and the rest of the world". Proletarian, socialist internationalism is replaced "by a new look at the historical destiny of socialism" that denies the very existence of class 11 struggle itself!

xiv. Instead of deepening socialist democracy, national chauvinism was allowed to grow unchecked. The 27th Congress Party Programme, highlighting the successful solving of the nationalities question, states: "The CPSU proceeds from the fact that in our socialist multinational state, in which more than one hundred nations and nationalities work together, there naturally arises new tasks of improving national relations" (emphasis in original). The October Revolution had liberated the various nationalities from the `Tsarist prison house'. Undoing the oppression of centuries, a democratic nationalities policy was adopted that led to the flourishing of these ethnic groups, their cultures and traditions. However, over a period, negative tendencies developed and problems accumulated. Bureaucratism, violation of the policy of equality of languages in practice, over-centralisation, all led to the growth of discontent. Discontent also arose from another angle. These various nationalities, particularly the backward ones, made tremendous progress under socialism. These strides, hitherto unknown for centuries, by themselves created new and higher aspirations amongst these peoples. The failure to meet these - cultural, intellectual and material - led to the accumulation of discontent and mistrust. However, instead of resolving these within the framework of the socialist federation, anti-socialist forces exploited this discontent to fan chauvinism that led to bloody riots. Clearly violating the understanding of the 27th Congress, the platform on nationalities adopted by CPSU in 1989 and the referendum of 1991 which overwhelmingly voted for preserving the unity of the USSR, Gorbachev prepared to sign a new Union treaty sealing the fate of the USSR's disintegration on August 20, 1991. The result of all this has been that the socialist federation known to the world these 74 years no longer remains.

xv. It must be self-critically noted that though the CPI(M), from time to time during these years, had the occasion to publicly express its disagreements with many of the above aspects, it could not gauge the depth and gravity of the damage these departures made to the cause of socialism in the USSR and the world.

xvi. This process of systematic dismantling of socialism under Gorbachev's leadership was exploited to the hilt by the counter-revolutionary forces aided actively by imperialism. Imperialism was able to successfully implement its strategy of `peaceful evolution' both in East Europe and in the Soviet Union. It fully exploited the advances in communications and information technology to achieve this.

xvii. Such an imperialist attempt to internally subvert socialism in the People's Republic of China in 1989 was successfully thwarted by the CPC and the PLA.

xviii. In the USSR too, an attempt was made to resist this process of dismantling of socialism and prevent the disintegration of the Union. This, however, failed. This was followed by an intense anti-communist offensive.

xix. In addition to such attempts, it should be noted that the successes achieved by the anti-communist forces was due to the shortcomings, errors and distortions of the past that resulted in people's discontent alienating them from both the Party and the state. Instead of overcoming these, the revisionist policies pursued by the CPSU since the 20th Congress and intensified under Gorbachev's leadership have ultimately led to the dismantling of socialism and disintegration of the USSR.”

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